Family Structure - International
 
Estimated Number of Printed Pages: 28
 
TOPICS COVERED: This is an overview of how families around the world interact – how generations, gender, and other outside forces shape families.
 
MEMOS ON RELATED INFORMATION: Family Structure - US Colonial to 1899, Family Structure - US 1900 to Pre-WWII, Family Structure - US Modern Era, Family Roles and Responsibilities, How Important is Family?, Family as a Social Institution, Multiple Generation / Extended Family Households
 
Links to Sources for this material are available below. Please also see The Factbook Sources page for further information regarding Factbook sources and their availability.
 
 

PAGE INDEX:

 

PATRIARCHY OR MATRIARCHY / GENDER ROLES

GENERATIONAL ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITIES

WHAT HAS CHANGED FAMILY STRUCTURES

 
 
 

PATRIARCHY OR MATRIARCHY / GENDER ROLES

 
 
 
In Roman times, a family was entirely male-owned/dictated controlled. A Roman could sell his wife and kids (up to three times). He could use his children and wife as labor; he could beat – and even kill – his children with impunity. The wife was not a legal guardian and could not object to the sale or other transfer of the children, even after he died. 1.
 
 
 
In the Anglo-Saxon world, this became modified: the mother didn’t inherit the property of her husband – and in this case, property meant property, and it sort of meant children, as well, although less directly than in the Roman era. But she could continue to care for the child after her husband's death. After the Norman Conquest, this trend continued and as early as the 1200’s, there were laws and cases which provided for, once the father was dead, mothers to become legal guardians – although this determination was largely based on whether or not she would interfere with the property rights of the estate. If she would, or would be detriment to them, then guardianship went elsewhere. 2.
 
 
 
By the late 1200s, early 1300s, the family’s desires to remain intact began to be considered in deciding custody of children of deceased fathers – although their wishes weren’t determinative. The presence of the unified continuing family was an asset in the agrarian society, which helped widowed mothers who were trying to keep their kids. However, there was in parallel, if you had titled/military lands, children became wards. Guardians took over control of both the children and property. And this lasted, in varying degrees, for 600 years. 3.
 
 
 
In 1646, a British father’s authority to determine custody of his children was codified as absolute -- even after death. He could will a child to anyone he wished). Different types of guardianships were created; some allowed for family, some did not. It depended on the wealth involved, power/royal status, remarriage, religion, etc. In the 1600 and 1700s, the state became increasingly willing to get involved to decide the matter, invoking parens patriae, the concept that it was the state who acted as the ultimate parent. However, throughout the 1700s to 1800s, English law was based on the premise that the father had unlimited right/custody/control over his children. 4.
 
 
 
By 1839, British law gave a maternal preference to custody of children under the age of seven. 5.
 
 
 
By the mid-1800s, the law in the U.K. began to discuss the “best interests of the child” when deciding who should get custody of the child. 6.
 
 
 
"For many years the underlying assumption of social welfare and taxation in Ireland was that of a breadwinner father with dependent spouse and children in a lifelong marriage. As the Report states “this is, however, no longer necessarily the norm in Irish society.” 7.
 
 
 
"In many societies in Asia, the oldest male is designated as the head of household regardless of whether he is the primary source of economic support, the authority figure, or fulfills other tasks purportedly performed by household heads. In the mean time female headed households have become a steadily growing phenomenon." 8.
 
 
 
 
Pretty much, it's the law –
In India, traditionally, the elders of the family are the patriarchs, and what they decide is considered infallible. This is weakening somewhat, however, in the modern era. 9.
 
 
 
Honored husband –
Traditional South Korean husbands were considered so superior to their wives that their wives would speak to them in deferential language, while they might speak abusively to their wives. They would even eat better than their wives. And he slept in a separate room, outside of the main house, to symbolize his authority over the family in the larger world. 10.
 
 
 
Never go in the kitchen –
In traditional South Korean families, the men never went into the kitchen: that was their wives' domain. And that idea has still carries a lot of weight. Even in more progressive families of today, if the man wants even a glass of water, he doesn't get it: his wife does. 11.
 
 
 
Just passing through –
While it's more stronger in rural areas, or among those who have inherited a longstanding family trade or business, Japanese sort of view "family" not as a group of people who live together, or unit that raise children, but as an entity that continues in and through time. Because of that, its members are seen in two ways – by permanent and temporary membership. Those living are merely the temporary representatives of the family – but they exist within a larger ancestral family that is permanent even if not physically in existence. 12.
 
 
 
ie
In a system that began in the early 20th Century and continued until post-WWII occupational government ended the practice, Japanese law required registration of multigenerational households, putting the entire family under the legal authority of the household head. Based in Confucian tradition, the laws reinforced the patriarchal family structures. "Each generation supplied a male and female adult, with a preference for inheritance by the first son and for patrilocal marriage. When possible, daughters were expected to marry out, and younger sons were expected to establish their own households. Women could not legally own or control property or select spouses. The ie system thus artificially restricted the development of individualism, individual rights, women's rights, and the nuclearization of the family. It formalized patriarchy and emphasized lineal and instrumental, rather than conjugal and emotional ties, within the family." 13.
 
 
 
 
"Under the [Japanese] ie system, only a minority of households included three generations at a time because nonsuccessor sons (those who were not heirs) often set up their own household. From 1970 to 1983, the proportion of three-generation households fell from 19 percent to 15 percent of all households, while two generation households consisting of a couple and their unmarried children increased only slightly, from 41 percent to 42 percent of all households. The greatest change has been the increase in couple-only households and in elderly single-person households." 14.
 
 
 
"[Japanese] Public opinion surveys in the late 1980s seemed to confirm the statistical movement away from the three-generation ie family model. Half of the respondents did not think that the first son had a special role to play in the family, and nearly two-thirds rejected the need for adoption of a son in order to continue the family. Other changes, such as an increase in filial violence and school refusal, suggest a breakdown of strong family authority." 15.
 
 
 
Actually, it's always been a two profession household: the salaryman and the housewife
In modern Japan, for husbands who take on the role of the urban salaryman, there's often a split between the husbands and the rest of their families. The husbands work late and have a long commute as well, so the only real time they may get to have with children – especially younger children – is on Sunday, a common day for family outings. That means that the wife is completely responsibility for family life – from raising children to managing the family budget. She's also the one who is responsible for maintaining the family's social relationships and reputation – she's the one who is in contact with the friends and relatives. And she may also have a part-time job or participate in other activities – again, an environment completely separate from her husbands. The end result of all this: the closest emotional ties within these families are those between the mother and her children. 16.
 
 
 
A family business may mean that the real business is family –
In Japanese family businesses, where the husband and wife work together, their gender roles are still clear, they might not be as rigidly separate as those for families where work and family are separated. And because of these more integrated roles and the simple fact that they have more time with their families, fathers are more involved in their children's development. 17.
 
 
 
"As [Japanese] women worked outside of the home with increasing frequency beginning in the 1970s, there was pressure on their husbands to take on more responsibility for housework and child care. Farm families, who depend on nonfarm employment for most of their income, are also developing patterns of interaction different from those of previous generations." 18.
 
 
 
30 percent
of Chinese women surveyed in 1990 thought that men were born to be more important than women. 33 percent thought that women should hold themselves back so that they would not be more successful than their husbands." 19.
 
 
 
" . . . family authority pattern is primarily patriarchal, which characterizes the husband as a breadwinner and the wife as a caregiver. As can be seen, this holds true in both urban America and urban China, except the fact that the Chinese husbands outperformed their American counterparts in "helping out." In short, gender inequality rather than egalitarianism is the characterization of the relationship between husbands and wives in the division of household labor. Moreover, in the face of dramatic social change, men's power in making family decisions has remained at a substantial, if not constant, level. Once again, contrary to Goode's claim, the macro-level shifts do not seem to be able to overcome men's resistance, and a convergence toward egalitarianism has yet to come into being." 20.
 
 
 
". . . neither capitalist America nor socialist China had shown real signs of a significant transformation from patriarchal to gender-egalitarian power relationships in the past fifty years. The wife's recent achievement in economic independence via labor force participation does not easily translate into a gender-balanced power structure in the conjugal family. In the case of Detroit, we do not see an expected steady decline in husbands' power since the 1960s' cohorts where women begun to increasingly enter into the labor force. In the case of China, the finding is consistent with previous studies, which revealed that in urban Chinese families husbands tend to dominate the decision-making process." 21.
 
 
 
In China, "The active influence of such Western romantic notions has been evident throughout the latter half of the 20th century. The conception of marriage in Hong Kong is now moving from a traditional, patriarchal, utilitarian mode to a modern, egalitarian, companionate one." 22.
 
 
 
"The present findings show that although [Chinese] male adolescents and female adolescents did not perceive paternal parenting characteristics differently, the female adolescents perceived their mothers as more demanding but less harsh than their fathers. The observed differences were greater than some reported relatively "small" gender differences." 23.
 
 
 
". . . despite the government's unremitting drive toward gender parity after 1949, gender inequality continues in urban Chinese families. This tendency has long been referred to as patriarchal socialism. However, if changes in gender attitudes through early childhood socialization under the communist rule can be translated into behavior changes, a somewhat egalitarian division of household labor in urban Chinese families should be expected, particularly in comparison with capitalist America. This is to say that although husbands may continue to endorse the traditional division of domestic labor, they may have actually and perhaps slowly started to extend their help in the kitchen and get more involved in the 'female's chores.' It is also entirely possible, though by no means certain, that the overall shift in wives' share of the load can be a function of women's role in the labor force, therefore, resulting in less time available for family obligations." 24.
 
 
 
"For whatever reasons, be it the diffusion of the egalitarian ideology advocated by the government or the force of modernization, the gap between husbands and wives in shouldering domestic chores begins to narrow in urban China." 25.
 
 
 
". . . neither capitalist America nor socialist China had shown real signs of a significant transformation from patriarchal to gender-egalitarian power relationships in the past fifty years. The wife's recent achievement in economic independence via labor force participation does not easily translate into a gender-balanced power structure in the conjugal family. In the case of Detroit, we do not see an expected steady decline in husbands' power since the 1960s' cohorts where women begun to increasingly enter into the labor force. In the case of China, the finding is consistent with previous studies, which revealed that in urban Chinese families husbands tend to dominate the decision-making process." 26.
 
 
 
 
"In the traditional Arab family, the father represents the authority figure (patriarchal tradition), and in return he shoulders the major responsibilities towards his family members. The wife joins the kin group of her husband (patrilocal kinship), while the children take up the father’s family name (patrilineal descent). In that capacity, the father is assigned the role of the bread-winner or provider for his family. This role puts him at the top of the pyramidal structure of his family. Also this role carries with it unquestioning compliance with his instructions as well as respect from all family members. The mother is assigned the role of the housewife, and in that capacity, she is closer to the children and actually exercises power over them, though sometimes she may use the father to threaten them. Some scholars may interpret that as a matriarchal system alongside the patriarchal system in the Arab family. Barakat (1993), however, argues that this matriarchal system supports the existing patriarchy, as it solidifies the pyramidal structure of the family." 27.
 
 
 
In the Gulf Countries, "The tribe is still an important authority in determining the behavior of sons and daughters, especially with regard to marital choice. Variable such as tribal descent, ideological and ethnic affiliation remain very influential in the modernizing Gulf society." 28.
 
 
 
In North Africa, "The hierarchical structure of the family rests on two axes: age and sex. The young are compliant to the old, and women are compliant to men. Traditionally, the source of authority and power that the father exercised stemmed from the fact that he was in possession of the family property and controlled it. This compliance of the young and of females is acquired through socialization. 29.
 
 
 
The patriarch
In Nigeria, the eldest male is the patriarch is the head of not just the immediate, but the entire extended family. In that role, he is the adjudicator of family disputes – from the personal to those about division of the family's wealth. He's also the spiritual leader of the family, since – because of his age – he's thought to be closer to the spirits of the family's dead ancestors. 30.
 
 
 
 
In Finland, "Mothers spend considerably more time on domestic tasks than do fathers, and this is also true for women who work full-time. Women bear greater responsibility for children and have been the main users of various forms of statutory childcare leave. Men have taken advantage of these rights only on a small scale. Because the benefits do not totally compensate for earnings, it is more profitable for the parent with the lower income to stay at home. Most often, this is the mother." 31.
 
 
 
In Portugal, "Two campaigns launched in 1999 by the High Commissioner’s Office for the Promotion of Equality and the Family: The National Campaign on Reconciliation turned the month of March 1999 into the month of workfamily balance in Portugal. Entitled Sharing Domestic Chores – the Necessary Reconciliation, it targeted Portuguese couples and consisted of television and radio spots, company advertisements and street posters with images relating to equality between husbands and wives in the household. The campaign was the subject of much commentary in the media." 32.
 
 
 
In Belgium, "In 1979, the Minister for Equal Opportunities launched a great publicity campaign with huge posters and postcards showing males performing such typical female tasks as child care, and females performing such male tasks as plumbing. This campaign was applauded by a large NGO, the largest family organisation in Belgium, which carried out some research under the motto of ‘Family is a two-person job’. More importantly, however, they designed a toolkit enabling families to measure the degree of unfair division of labour inside their family. These types of campaigns probably achieved better results on the cultural level by raising awareness, but did not provoke dramatic behavioural changes." 33.
 
 
 
 
"the customs of the upper-caste Oriya Hindus as they are described by anthropologist Usha Menon. The moral order advanced by the Hindu religion is one that cherishes self-control, self-refinement, and duty to the family. Most Hindus, both men and women, would find the Western emphasis on the primacy of the individual immoral and futile because they believe that the self does not exist apart from its connections with others. Hindus do not think of the person as indivisible and bounded, but as divisible, "continually changing and being reconstituted by the givings and receivings he or she engages in." Hindus transform themselves through daily practices and rituals of refinement. Women are especially permeable because they menstruate and reproduce, and as a result they are required to be more concerned than men about their connections with others, their daily practices, and their rituals of refinement. To regulate their exchanges with others, Oriya Hindu women must seclude themselves within family compounds, have virtually no contact with strangers, and meticulously observe prescribed daily practices." 34.
 
 
 
"Oriya Hindu women are usually literate in the local language, but not necessarily schooled. They have arranged marriages, spend their entire life within the compounds of their natal and conjugal extended households, and have only minimal contact with the outside world. Both Oriya men and women regard the domestic sphere as the most important sphere of human action. The senior women within an extended household control and manage all household affairs, including the household finances and expenses. Thus, according to Menon, it would not be correct to cast men as oppressors and women as victims, but rather to speak of the more senior family members controlling the activities of the more junior.(120) Unlike men, Oriya Hindu women do not inherit property." 35.
 
 
 
Oriya Hindu "Married women are believed to embody the family's fund of auspiciousness and its future. If the woman is irresponsible in the management of the family resources or is promiscuous, then the family will be mined. Oriya Hindus insist that the control over greed and lust must come from within. This can only be achieved through the surrender of one's sense of self and service to others. These are the two basic duties of married women. Thus, in order to enable them to achieve self-control, married women are expected to cook, serve food, fast, eat last, eat leftovers, and selflessly take care of the physical as well as the emotional needs of the members of the extended family." 36.
 
 
 
Oriya Hindu "junior women find the first years in the conjugal home -- to which they are obliged to move after their arranged marriage -- difficult, they ascribe their difficulties to their own failure to open themselves completely in order to assimilate and be remade into the substance of their conjugal family. Further, all women understand that even the most junior women can start acquiring power to make decisions for themselves and later for the family by building relationships and exerting influence through cooking, serving, and taking care of others. . . . Junior women do not complain about their situation, both because they know that such complaints would be futile and would jeopardize their efforts to gain more power and position by assimilating into the family, and because they know that someday they will occupy the positions of power as senior women in the family." 37.
 
 
 
"Oriya Hindu men are convinced that they are not subjugating the women. First, like the women, the men are brought up to believe that the functions women fulfill and their highly-restricted existence reflect their special powers and not their weakness. . . . Second, the enormous benefits men get from living in a moral order of this kind are bound to quench any doubts about its legitimacy that they might entertain. Third, as the moral order under which the group exists is so all-encompassing, as well as uncompromising, that individual men do not feel they have any say in its shaping. Feeling they are as bound by the moral order as the women are and that they are prevented from changing it, men do not feel any responsibility and therefore no guilt for its continuing existence. . . ." 38.
 
 
 
 

PATRIARCHY OR MATRIARCHY / GENDER ROLES
WHAT HAS CHANGED FAMILY STRUCTURES

 
 
 
 

GENERATIONAL ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITIES

 
 
 
Generational Responsiblities for an Iranian Family:

At age 55 and above, this, the eldest generation in a family, is responsible for providing emotional support to the younger generations of the family.
 
From 30 to 54, this generation is to provide management of the family and household, and to provide economic support for the other generations – younger and older – of the family.
 
From 15 to 29, this generation is to inculcate the youngest in the cultural heritage of the family, as well as bring innovation to the family. 39.

 
 
In Arabic families, younger fathers expected to provide for and support the other family members, while mother are to care for the children and the household. Then, once the children are grown, and the parents are aged, it is the children's responsibility to care for their parents – even if it's at the children's own expense. 40.
 
 
 
In North Africa, "Various agents of socialization are involved in this process starting with the families that emphasize in their children obedience, dependency and inequality between the male and female children. The educational institutions are also involved by emphasizing physical punishment and rote learning, shunning away challenges and independent creative thinking." 41.
 
 
 
"4-2-1"
Because of the now decades-old "one-child" policy in China, children may be growing up by themselves, with no siblings or cousins, and end up responsible for the care of anywhere between two to six older couples, and their own children. 42.
 
 
 
"Strong gender roles remained the cornerstone of [Japanese mid-1990s] family responsibilities. Most survey respondents said that family life should emphasize parent-child ties over husband-wife relations. Nearly 80 percent of respondents in a 1986 government survey believed that the ancestral home and family grave should be carefully kept and handed on to one's children. More than 60 percent thought it best for elderly parents to live with one of their children." 43.
 
 
 
"When the members of the Filipino nuclear family or extended family migrate to the U.S., they usually live together because the family is a major source of emotional, moral, and economic support. Many elders become surrogate parents and homemakers for their grandchildren when both parents are employed). The family collectively provides a unique system of care for family members from birth to end of life.. Filipinos strongly identify with their nuclear and extended family and the needs and welfare of the family come before those of the individual." 44.
 
 
 
"Three sub-themes that arose were based on Filipino cultural beliefs and norms namely (a) Pakikisama--family unity and closeness (b) Utang na loob--mutual reciprocity "the give and take" and obligation in relationships, and (c) authoritarianism (being responsible role models, elders are highly valued, and respect for authority figures)." 45.
 
 
 
"Filipino American grandparents view the grandparenting caregiving role as a normative process rather than a burden. Families take on responsibilities as result of their cultural beliefs and norms such as pakikisama, utang na loob, and authoritarianism." 46.
 
 
 
"Filipino Immigrants to the U.S. have the highest percentage (27 percent) of Asian American grandparents who are living with their own grandchildren under 18 years or age and who are responsible for their grandchildren (28 percent). When the members of the Filipino nuclear family or extended family migrate to the U.S., they usually live together because the family is a major source of emotional, moral, and economic support. Many elders become surrogate parents and homemakers for their grandchildren when both parents are employed). The family collectively provides a unique system of care for family members from birth to end of life. Filipinos strongly identify with their nuclear and extended family and the needs and welfare of the family come before those of the individual." 47.
 
 
 
"Under the influence of Confucianism, family is accorded the central place in Chinese society. Confucian's definition of the five basic human relationships in the classic Book of Rites are: ruler-minister, father-son, elder brother-younger brother, husband-wife, and friend-friend. Of these five, three are familial relationships with clear generation, age, and gender hierarchy prescribed." 48.
 
 
 
"... family obligations in Italy have traditionally played an important role in the satisfaction of basic needs. Making up for the lack of an adequate structure offering assistance and services paid for by the public purse was, and still is, the duty of the extended family and the kinship network." 49.
 
 
 
In Italy, "Once they do marry and raise a family, women often end up caring not only for their children but for their parents as well. Daughters, in particular, serve as de facto social security for their aging mothers." 50.
 
 
 
". . . in the United States, for example, that the elderly who do live with their children probably tend to come from strong-family ethnic backgrounds. In sharp contrast to this pattern, in areas of strong families, maintaining independence as a matter of principle would seem like nonsense, and this only happens when, for one reason or another, there is no family. . . . Furthermore, the solidarity between the older and the younger generation never breaks down; it is a social obligation expected by individuals and by their families. The elderly who do not maintain regular contact with their children are a small minority of the population, much as are the aged in weak-family societies who receive regular weekly or daily visits from their children. In both situations there is intergenerational reciprocity, although it is understood quite differently. These are distinct modes of behavior, applied in each context with a maximum of good will." 51.
 
 
 
"In Mediterranean Europe, the care of the elderly fell almost exclusively on the family, whether it was carried out by means of coresidence, the circulation of the elderly among the households of their offspring, or the spatial proximity between the homes of the elderly and those of their children: all of these alternatives entailed transfers of goods and services from the families of the offspring toward their elderly parents. In England, on the other hand, the situation was quite different. For one thing, a smaller proportion of the elderly appears to have coresided with their children.(24) A structural characteristic of English society, epitomized in the Poor Laws, was that the ultimate responsibility for the wellbeing of the elderly fell to the collectivity. In Spain there were no Poor Laws and only in such cases as extreme poverty or grave mental or physical illness could people count on institutional support, often organized by the Church. For the vast majority of cases, the family alone took responsibility for the material and personal wellbeing of its elderly." 52.
 
 
 
In Italy, "The highest quota of caregivers is concentrated in the age group between 55 and 64 years; this is also the group in which, between 1983 and 1998, there was the greatest increase in people engaged in giving help. It goes without saying that this age group is basically made up of those generations who are engaged simultaneously on two different fronts: caring for their children, who in Italy tend to stay at home even beyond the age of 30, and caring for their parents, who once past the age of 80 enter a phase of the lifecycle in which the need for care and assistance increases. An interesting fact emerges from the surveys: During the period under consideration, the help given to the oldest members of the population showed a marked decrease. While in 1983, 30.7 percent of families with at least one elderly member and without children received help at least once, in 1998 this percentage fell to 16 percent." 53.
 
 
 
In Italy, "A significant aspect of the changes that have taken place recently in the structure of family networks is related to the extent of help from relatives. If one considers help as a whole – informal and formal, provided by the kinship network and by outside services – between 1983 and 1998, the number of families having an elderly member over 65 who received help at least once grew by nearly 10 percent; and that of families with an elderly member over 80 by almost 14 percent. Most of this growth is due to a process of substitution of the informal network by utilising help provided by private individuals and the public sector. The case is different with regard to families with children, for whom the importance of services outside the informal network is minor. This shows that, in the meantime, family support networks have reduced their range of intervention. To a certain extent, they still survive within the restricted context of the nuclear family. Families depend almost solely on the informal help network but tend to contract care and assistance for elderly people, for whom it is apparent that the use of external help and services provided by the public authorities and/or paid personnel has increased enormously." 54.
 
 
 

PATRIARCHY OR MATRIARCHY / GENDER ROLES
GENERATIONAL ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITIES

 
 
 

WHAT HAS CHANGED FAMILY STRUCTURES

 
 
 
Individualism and Specialization in Labor Weakens Family Hierarchy
"In traditional peasant agrarian societies, production tends to be family- based and unspecialized. Successive generations tend to have the same occupation, typically farming. Parental authority over children is reinforced by parent’s longer experiences and expertise, and co residence of parents and adult children makes both economic and social sense. With modernization production shifts to more specialized processes, modern market economies are dependent on an inherent division of labour. Increasing individualism in the labour market eventually diffuses in to other areas of life, including the legal system, family relations and social values. Parental authority of elderly parents over adult children weakens, and generally loses most of its economic and legal basis." 55.
 
 
 
"Changing outlooks, and the need for adult children to move in search of employment result in declines in coexistence of multi generational members of the family. This is particularly the case in the event of rapid urbanization, where the members of the extended family living in rural areas are left behind in rural areas, as children move to the cities. This is an important process affecting the family structure." 56.
 
 
 
Almost 100 percent
of Israeli families have themselves suffered a personal injury or loss, or have a close friend who has had such an experience, during the years of conflict and war. 57.
 
 
 
18,000
Israeli families have had at least one of their own die in military service in 1948. 58.
 
 
 
Koseki
the Japanese term for the family registration, that arose following the legal recognition of the blood line family headed by a father, which was not thrown out after WWII. 59.
 
 
 
Post-WWII / Allied Occupation Changes the Japanese Family
"After World War II, the Allied occupation forces established a new [Japanese] family ideology based on equal rights for women, equal inheritance by all children, and free choice of spouse and career. From the late 1960s, most marriages in Japan have been based on the mutual attraction of the couple and not the arrangement by the parents. Moreover, arranged marriages might begin with an introduction by a relative or family friend, but actual negotiations do not begin until all parties, including the bride and groom, are satisfied with the relationship." 60.
 
 
 
"A great variety of family forms have existed historically in Japan, from the matrilocal customs of the Heian elite, which are described in Genji monogatari (Tale of Genji), to the extreme patrilineality of the samurai class in the feudal period." 61.
 
 
 
In Japan, "Numerous family forms, through which ran a common belief in the existence of the family-household beyond the life of its current members, coexisted particularly in the countryside. Among the upper classes and wealthier merchant and artisan urban households of the Tokugawa period, the chonin , providing for household continuity, and if possible enriching the household's estate, represented duty to one's ancestors and appreciation toward one's parents." 62.
 
 
 
In Afghanistan, "Relations between co-wives can be amiable, sister-like and mutually supportive in sharing household chores and in securing favorable attention from the husband, but relations can also be stormy and many men hesitate to take a second wife because of the fierce battles that can erupt. Some co-wives resort to magic to ease household tensions by purchasing a variety of amulets and charms, including dried hoopoe heads and wolf claws which are believed to guarantee loving attention from husbands, peace with mothers-in-law and sweet tempers all around." 63.
 
 
 
In South America, "With rising instability of conjugal unions and patterns of remarriage and formation of new unions, there is a large increase in “re-assembled” households – those made up by a (new) couple and children from previous unions. Current statistical data gathering techniques, however, are not prepared to sort out different types of family processes in household formation. They capture synchronic data, and not the history of family formation behind it, and thus they appear under the “complete” nuclear or extended categories." 64.
 
 
 
In South America, "It is likely that as a response to processes of impoverishment and unemployment in urban areas, extended family household arrangements have been on the rise among lower-income families as a strategy to pool resources and to face their unmet needs, especially regarding shelter. Often these extended households incorporate close relatives with their children (for instance, daughters and grandchildren) who are unable to establish independent households due to economic hardship. Yet there are no in-depth studies of these issues, studies that would allow a deeper understanding of the links between family responsibilities and everyday domestic arrangements in times of crisis." 65.
 
 
 
In South America, "The 1960s marked the beginning of a time of major changes in the region, which included not only an increase in participation in the labor force by young, single women, but also of married women and married women with children. The moment of establishing a new household through marriage or cohabitation used to be a turning point in the work history of women, who then became housewives and spouses, and then mothers. Recent trends show that workforce participation rates of women increase in all age groups, and that women tend not to leave the labor force when they marry or have children. This means a shift in the organization of complete nuclear households, towards situations where both members of the conjugal couple work (Arriagada, 2001; for a detailed study in Argentina, Wainerman, 2003). This tends to be more common among higher educated social groups, and involves a higher income (which may be in part the result of more adult members of the household working)." 66.
 
 
 
In South America, "A shift towards women participating in the labor force, however, does not entail a parallel change in the sharing of household and domestic responsibilities, which remain predominantly in the hands of women. Changes in this regard are very slow, although there are increasing pressures on men to participate more actively in domestic tasks. Younger cohorts probably will show signs of change in this direction." 67.
 
 
 
In South America, "One prevailing trend in the last two decades in the region has been the impoverishment of broad sectors of the population as a consequence of economic recession or very slow growth, and of the crisis in the labor market. The difficulties faced by males in the labor market, associated with a strong expectation of being the main economic support and the “head of the family”, have been reflected in the family sphere. The obstacles faced in trying to satisfy this role expectation have put pressure on couples, and challenged them to develop new strategies. Sometimes, this failure to meet social expectations has led to a higher rate of dissolution of the conjugal union. Other times, families have faced these critical situations by developing strategies where additional members participate in the labor market. These additional members are primarily married women and children." 68.
 
 
 
In Spain, "Cultural gender differentiations are gradually vanishing. A clear change in the opinions and attitudes about sharing household tasks has occurred since 1975, when household maintenance was considered to be women’s work. In a recent survey, young people saw sharing domestic tasks as one of the key conditions for a successful partnership. Notwithstanding this tendency, families – especially those with children – tend to reproduce traditional roles, either by preventing married women from working when care obligations are impossible to fulfil with both parents working full-time, or by forcing working mothers to accept strategies involving informal and formal care and lengthy working days without any noticeable support from their husband, except in terms of direct child care. Staying at home is more often the case among women with less education, who at the same time feel less attraction for their job and are less able to afford external help given their small salary. Traditional roles have not changed in the workplace, which is still dominated by the male-breadwinner model; and these roles have not changed much in the family either, the two areas being too closely related." 69.
 
 
 
"Differences in family and demographic behaviour are, however, much more striking for migrants coming to Europe and North America from developing countries and in particular from less advanced rural regions in those countries. These immigrants encapsulate in their demographic behaviour more traditional beliefs and customs specific to their agrarian cultural and economic background. Family relations and dynamics are often characterised by patriarchal relations and gender divide, early marriage, low divorce rate, low age at first birth and childbearing into higher ages, high fertility, and larger household size. Because of initial difficulties to adapt to the new social, economic and cultural environment and their ethnic and/or religious differences, they tend to remain isolated from the host culture, living in communities where they strive to preserve traditional family structures, gender relations and cultural specificity in general . . . . The persistence of these behavioural differences is in general interpreted as an example of ineffective integration policies of the receiving country." 70.
 
 
 
"In terms of family formation, research on migrants shows that the relational and reproductive behaviour of migrants of European or American origin is not very different from that of the sedentary, non-migrant population in developed countries . . . . In some cases, immigrants from developed countries show lower nuptiality and fertility rates than the nationals in the host countries." 71.
 
 
 
In Portugal, "Attitudes to the distribution of responsibility within the family have also clearly shifted, with a majority of couples expressing commitment to a ‘symmetrical’ family organisation where both partners work and share responsibilities as well as authority within the family. By contrast, change in the allocation of household tasks has been quite slow. These still remain strongly segregated by gender, albeit less than in the recent past, with the 1999 survey showing that only one in five couples were actually sharing all the main household chores, such as cooking, cleaning or doing the laundry." 72.
 
 
 
In sub-Saharan Africa, "The family as a unit of production, consumption, reproduction, and accumulation, has been profoundly impacted by the economic downturns that transformed the environment in which families make their decisions. These broader socio-political and economic environments provide the contexts for understanding changes in African family structures. Opportunities have arisen from considerable socioeconomic changes that continue to alter the structure of the family away from traditional patterns to new ones generated by the expansion of education, health care, employment, and migration. Yet the same forces that engender significant vistas for families have also produced multiple constraints. African families are embedded in political and socioeconomic circumstances that are characterized by long-standing domestic dynamics of economic fragility, debilitating poverty, poor governance and civil conflicts." 73.
 
 
 
"[T]here exists a trend of transformation toward the nuclear family; however it is a slow trend that does not match the volume of urbanization achieved by the cities in the Gulf region." 74.
 
 
 
In the Gulf Countries, "Changes in the functions of the Gulf family appear to be certain in light of the generalized public social services provided by the state. Public services have replaced traditional services that carry private character. These developments deprive the family of some of its functions. Moreover, changes in the system of economic production caused the family to give up its productive function." 75.
 
 
 
"[T]here exists a trend of transformation toward the nuclear family; however it is a slow trend that does not match the volume of urbanization achieved by the cities in the Gulf region." 76.
 
 
 
In the Gulf Countries, "Rising standards of living of families have enabled them to provide wide alternatives to their children (particularly daughters) that expanded their world and increased their demands, aspirations and expectations far beyond what existed in traditional society." 77.
 
 
 
In the Gulf Countries, "Contemporary means of communication, in all forms, have increased the knowledge of young people and gave them specific alternatives that put them in touch with peers all over the world, and especially in the West. That contact influences the values, traditions and practices of Gulf youth and complicates socialization by their families." 78.
 
 
 
In North Africa, "The extended family, in the traditional sense of three or more generations living together under the same roof, rarely exists now in the North African region. Most studies point out that the large majority of families are nuclear in structure . . . . This came about as a result of urbanization, industrialization, increased education, migration, and extension of government employment. However, it should be noted, that nuclear families continue to maintain intimate and close ties with other relatives. Though living under separate roofs, interdependence is fostered through intermarriage as well as collaboration in economic activities." 79.
 
____________________________________________________
 
 
1. See Will Durant, The Story of Civilization, Simon and Schuster, New York (1935 et seq.) A.R. Colón with P.A. Colón, A History of Children: A Socio-cultural Survey Across Millennia, Greenwood Press, Westport, CT (2001). Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0313315744/qid=1123775672/sr=8-2/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i2_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846 , Danaya C. Wright, "De Manneville v. De Manneville: Rethinking the Birth of Custody Law under Patriarchy," Law and History Review, Vol. 17, No. 2 17.2 (Summer 1999). Archived at: http://www.historycooperative.org/journals/lhr/17.2/wright.html
2. See Danaya C. Wright, "De Manneville v. De Manneville: Rethinking the Birth of Custody Law under Patriarchy," Law and History Review, Vol. 17, No. 2 17.2 (Summer 1999). Archived at: http://www.historycooperative.org/journals/lhr/17.2/wright.html
3. See Will Durant, The Story of Civilization, Simon and Schuster, New York (1935 et seq.) A.R. Colón with P.A. Colón, A History of Children: A Socio-cultural Survey Across Millennia, Greenwood Press, Westport, CT (2001). Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0313315744/qid=1123775672/sr=8-2/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i2_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846 , Danaya C. Wright, "De Manneville v. De Manneville: Rethinking the Birth of Custody Law under Patriarchy," Law and History Review, Vol. 17, No. 2 17.2 (Summer 1999). Archived at: http://www.historycooperative.org/journals/lhr/17.2/wright.html
4. See Will Durant, The Story of Civilization, Simon and Schuster, New York (1935 et seq.) A.R. Colón with P.A. Colón, A History of Children: A Socio-cultural Survey Across Millennia, Greenwood Press, Westport, CT (2001). Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0313315744/qid=1123775672/sr=8-2/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i2_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846 , Danaya C. Wright, "De Manneville v. De Manneville: Rethinking the Birth of Custody Law under Patriarchy," Law and History Review, Vol. 17, No. 2 17.2 (Summer 1999). Archived at: http://www.historycooperative.org/journals/lhr/17.2/wright.html
5. Margaret Martin Barry, "The District of Columbia's Joint Custody Presumption: Misplaced Blame and Simplistic Solutions," 46 Cath. U. L. Rev. 767 (Spring 1997).
6. See Margaret Martin Barry, "The District of Columbia's Joint Custody Presumption: Misplaced Blame and Simplistic Solutions," 46 Cath. U. L. Rev. 767 (Spring 1997). , and Danaya C. Wright, "De Manneville v. De Manneville: Rethinking the Birth of Custody Law under Patriarchy," Law and History Review, Vol. 17, No. 2 17.2 (Summer 1999). Archived at: http://www.historycooperative.org/journals/lhr/17.2/wright.html
7. Gabriel Kiely, The Situation of Families in Ireland, 1996-2001, European Observatory on Family Matters (2001), p. 2 (citation omitted). Archived at: http://europa.eu.int/comm/employment_social/eoss/downloads/gm_01_ireland_kiely_en.pdf
8. Indralal De Silva, "Demographic and Social Trends Affecting Families in the South and Central Asian Region," Major Trends Affecting Families: A Background Document, Report for United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Program on the Family (May 2003), p. 5 (citations omitted). Report archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtdesilva.pdf Tables archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtscatables.pdf
9. J.P. Singh, "The Contemporary Indian Family," Handbook of World Families, Bert N. Adams and Jan Trost (eds). Sage Publications, Inc., Thousand Oaks, CA, pp. 129-166 (2005), pp. 158-159. Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0761927638/qid=1123855404/sr=8-1/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i1_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846
10. Kwang-Kyu Lee, "South Korean Families," Handbook of World Families, Bert N. Adams and Jan Trost (eds). Sage Publications, Inc., Thousand Oaks, CA, pp. 167-176 (2005), p. 171. Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0761927638/qid=1123855404/sr=8-1/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i1_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846
11. Kwang-Kyu Lee, "South Korean Families," Handbook of World Families, Bert N. Adams and Jan Trost (eds). Sage Publications, Inc., Thousand Oaks, CA, pp. 167-176 (2005), p. 172. Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0761927638/qid=1123855404/sr=8-1/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i1_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846
12. Ronald E. Dolan and Robert L. Worden (eds), Library of Congress Country Study: Japan (1994), Section on Family. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress under the Country Studies/Area Handbook Program sponsored by the Department of the Army. Online edition at http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/jptoc.html
13. Ronald E. Dolan and Robert L. Worden (eds), Library of Congress Country Study: Japan (1994), Section on Family. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress under the Country Studies/Area Handbook Program sponsored by the Department of the Army. Online edition at http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/jptoc.html
14. Ronald E. Dolan and Robert L. Worden (eds), Library of Congress Country Study: Japan (1994), Section on Family. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress under the Country Studies/Area Handbook Program sponsored by the Department of the Army. Online edition at http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/jptoc.html
15. Ronald E. Dolan and Robert L. Worden (eds), Library of Congress Country Study: Japan (1994), Section on Family. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress under the Country Studies/Area Handbook Program sponsored by the Department of the Army. Online edition at http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/jptoc.html
16. Ronald E. Dolan and Robert L. Worden (eds), Library of Congress Country Study: Japan (1994), Section on Family. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress under the Country Studies/Area Handbook Program sponsored by the Department of the Army. Online edition at http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/jptoc.html
17. Ronald E. Dolan and Robert L. Worden (eds), Library of Congress Country Study: Japan (1994), Section on Family. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress under the Country Studies/Area Handbook Program sponsored by the Department of the Army. Online edition at http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/jptoc.html
18. Ronald E. Dolan and Robert L. Worden (eds), Library of Congress Country Study: Japan (1994), Section on Family. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress under the Country Studies/Area Handbook Program sponsored by the Department of the Army. Online edition at http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/jptoc.html
19. Judith Geller, "Opportunities for Women Through Reproductive Choice," Population Reports (July 1, 1994). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:15831836
20. Xiaohe Xu, "Convergence or Divergence: The Transformation of Marriage and Relationships in Urban America and Urban China," Journal of Asian and African Studies (May 1, 1998). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:20980086
21. Xiaohe Xu, "Convergence or Divergence: The Transformation of Marriage and Relationships in Urban America and Urban China," Journal of Asian and African Studies (May 1, 1998). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:20980086
22. Xiaohe Xu, "Convergence or Divergence: The Transformation of Marriage and Relationships in Urban America and Urban China," Journal of Asian and African Studies (May 1, 1998). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:20980086
23. Xiaohe Xu, "Convergence or Divergence: The Transformation of Marriage and Relationships in Urban America and Urban China," Journal of Asian and African Studies (May 1, 1998)(citation omitted). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:20980086
24. Xiaohe Xu, "Convergence or Divergence: The Transformation of Marriage and Relationships in Urban America and Urban China," Journal of Asian and African Studies (May 1, 1998)(citation omitted). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:20980086
25. Xiaohe Xu, "Convergence or Divergence: The Transformation of Marriage and Relationships in Urban America and Urban China," Journal of Asian and African Studies (May 1, 1998). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:20980086
26. Xiaohe Xu, "Convergence or Divergence: The Transformation of Marriage and Relationships in Urban America and Urban China," Journal of Asian and African Studies (May 1, 1998). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:20980086
27. Nazek Nosseir, "Family in the New Millennium: Major Trends Affecting Families in North Africa," Major Trends Affecting Families: A Background Document, Report for United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Program on the Family (2003), p. 3. Archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtnosseir.pdf
28. Yahya El-Haddad, "Major Trends Affecting Families in the Gulf Countries," Major Trends Affecting Families: A Background Document, Report for United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Program on the Family (200_), p. 3 (citation omitted). Archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtelhaddad.pdf
29. Nazek Nosseir, "Family in the New Millennium: Major Trends Affecting Families in North Africa," Major Trends Affecting Families: A Background Document, Report for United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Program on the Family (2003), p. 6. Archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtnosseir.pdf
30. Nazek Nosseir, "Family in the New Millennium: Major Trends Affecting Families in North Africa," Major Trends Affecting Families: A Background Document, Report for United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Program on the Family (2003), p. 3. Archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtnosseir.pdf
31. Sirpa Taskinen, The Situation of Families in Finland in 2001, European Observatory on Family Matters (2001), p. 2. Archived at: http://europa.eu.int/comm/employment_social/eoss/downloads/gm_01_finland_taskinen_en.pdf
32. Karin Wall, The Situation of Families in Portugal in the Late 1990s, European Observatory on Family Matters (2001), p. 8. Archived at: http://europa.eu.int/comm/employment_social/eoss/downloads/gm_01_portugal_wall_en.pdf
33. Wilfried Dumon, The Situation of Families in Belgium, 1996-2001, European Observatory on Family Matters (2001), p. 10. Archived at: http://europa.eu.int/comm/employment_social/eoss/downloads/gm_01_belgium_dumon.pdf
34. Gila Stopler, "Countenancing the Oppression of Women: How Liberals Tolerate Religious and Cultural Practices That Discriminate Against Women, Columbia Journal of Gender and Law, Vol. 12, No. 1, p. 154 et seq. (January 31, 2001)(citations omitted). .
35. Gila Stopler, "Countenancing the Oppression of Women: How Liberals Tolerate Religious and Cultural Practices That Discriminate Against Women, Columbia Journal of Gender and Law, Vol. 12, No. 1, p. 154 et seq. (January 31, 2001) (citations omitted).
36. Gila Stopler, "Countenancing the Oppression of Women: How Liberals Tolerate Religious and Cultural Practices That Discriminate Against Women, Columbia Journal of Gender and Law, Vol. 12, No. 1, p. 154 et seq. (January 31, 2001).
37. Gila Stopler, "Countenancing the Oppression of Women: How Liberals Tolerate Religious and Cultural Practices That Discriminate Against Women, Columbia Journal of Gender and Law, Vol. 12, No. 1, p. 154 et seq. (January 31, 2001)(citations omitted). .
38. Gila Stopler, "Countenancing the Oppression of Women: How Liberals Tolerate Religious and Cultural Practices That Discriminate Against Women, Columbia Journal of Gender and Law, Vol. 12, No. 1, p. 154 et seq. (January 31, 2001).
39. Taghi Azadarmaki, "Families in Iran: The Contemporary Situation," Handbook of World Families, Bert N. Adams and Jan Trost (eds). Sage Publications, Inc., Thousand Oaks, CA, pp. 486-506 (2005), pp. 481-482. Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0761927638/qid=1123855404/sr=8-1/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i1_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846
40. Nazek Nosseir, "Family in the New Millennium: Major Trends Affecting Families in North Africa," Major Trends Affecting Families: A Background Document, Report for United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Program on the Family (2003), p. 6. Archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtnosseir.pdf
41. Nazek Nosseir, "Family in the New Millennium: Major Trends Affecting Families in North Africa," Major Trends Affecting Families: A Background Document, Report for United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Program on the Family (2003), p. 6. Archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtnosseir.pdf
42. Xuewen Sheng, "Chinese Families," Handbook of World Families, Bert N. Adams and Jan Trost (eds). Sage Publications, Inc., Thousand Oaks, CA, pp. 99-128 (2005), p. 105. Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0761927638/qid=1123855404/sr=8-1/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i1_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846
43. Ronald E. Dolan and Robert L. Worden (eds), Library of Congress Country Study: Japan (1994), Section on Family. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress under the Country Studies/Area Handbook Program sponsored by the Department of the Army. Online edition at http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/jptoc.html
44. Marian Yoder, "Grandparent Caregiving Role in Filipino American Families," Journal of Cultural Diversity (September 22, 2004)(citation omitted). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:125337672
45. Marian Yoder, "Grandparent Caregiving Role in Filipino American Families," Journal of Cultural Diversity (September 22, 2004). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:125337672
46. Marian Yoder, "Grandparent Caregiving Role in Filipino American Families," Journal of Cultural Diversity (September 22, 2004). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:125337672
47. Marian Yoder, "Grandparent Caregiving Role in Filipino American Families," Journal of Cultural Diversity (September 22, 2004)(citation omitted). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:125337672
48. Cecilia L.W. Chan, "How the Socio-cultural Context Shapes Women's Divorce Experience in Hong Kong," Journal of Comparative Family Studies (January 1, 2004)(citation omitted). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:113302752
49. Giovanni B. Sgritta, The Situation of Families in Italy in 2001, European Observatory on Family Matters (2001), pp. 2-3. Archived at: http://europa.eu.int/comm/employment_social/eoss/downloads/gm_01_italy_sgritta_en.pdf
50. Carla Power, "Staying Home With Mamma," Newsweek International (August 14, 2000). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:64076546
51. David Sven Reher, "Family Ties in Western Europe: Persistent Contrasts," Population and Development Review (June 1, 1998)(citation omitted). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:21059915
52. David Sven Reher, "Family Ties in Western Europe: Persistent Contrasts," Population and Development Review (June 1, 1998)(citation omitted). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:21059915
53. Giovanni B. Sgritta, The Situation of Families in Italy in 2001, European Observatory on Family Matters (2001), p. 4 (citations omitted). Archived at: http://europa.eu.int/comm/employment_social/eoss/downloads/gm_01_italy_sgritta_en.pdf
54. Giovanni B. Sgritta, The Situation of Families in Italy in 2001, European Observatory on Family Matters (2001), p. 4 (citations omitted). Archived at: http://europa.eu.int/comm/employment_social/eoss/downloads/gm_01_italy_sgritta_en.pdf
55. Indralal De Silva, "Demographic and Social Trends Affecting Families in the South and Central Asian Region," Major Trends Affecting Families: A Background Document, Report for United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Program on the Family (May 2003), p. 18 (citations omitted). Report archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtdesilva.pdf Tables archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtscatables.pdf
56. Indralal De Silva, "Demographic and Social Trends Affecting Families in the South and Central Asian Region," Major Trends Affecting Families: A Background Document, Report for United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Program on the Family (May 2003), p. 18 (citations omitted). Report archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtdesilva.pdf Tables archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtscatables.pdf
57. Ruth Katz and Yoav Lavee, "Families in Israel," Handbook of World Families, Bert N. Adams and Jan Trost (eds). Sage Publications, Inc., Thousand Oaks, CA, pp. 486-506 (2005), p. 495 (citation omitted). Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0761927638/qid=1123855404/sr=8-1/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i1_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846
58. Ruth Katz and Yoav Lavee, "Families in Israel," Handbook of World Families, Bert N. Adams and Jan Trost (eds). Sage Publications, Inc., Thousand Oaks, CA, pp. 486-506 (2005), p. 495. Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0761927638/qid=1123855404/sr=8-1/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i1_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846
59. Kuninobu, Junko, "Japan," International Encyclopedia of Marriage and Family, Second Ed. Ponzetti, James J. (ed.), Macmillian Reference USA, pp. 969-973 (2002), p. 969. Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0028656725/qid=1123776640/sr=8-1/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i1_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846 or http://www.galegroup.com/servlet/ItemDetailServlet?region=9&imprint=000&titleCode=M106&type=4&id=174024 See also Ronald E. Dolan and Robert L. Worden (eds), Library of Congress Country Study: Japan (1994), Section on Family. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress under the Country Studies/Area Handbook Program sponsored by the Department of the Army. Online edition at http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/jptoc.html
60. Ronald E. Dolan and Robert L. Worden (eds), Library of Congress Country Study: Japan (1994), Section on Family. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress under the Country Studies/Area Handbook Program sponsored by the Department of the Army. Online edition at http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/jptoc.html
61. Ronald E. Dolan and Robert L. Worden (eds), Library of Congress Country Study: Japan (1994), Section on Family. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress under the Country Studies/Area Handbook Program sponsored by the Department of the Army. Online edition at http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/jptoc.html
62. Ronald E. Dolan and Robert L. Worden (eds), Library of Congress Country Study: Japan (1994), Section on Family. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress under the Country Studies/Area Handbook Program sponsored by the Department of the Army. Online edition at http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/jptoc.html
63. Nancy Hatch Dupree and Thomas E. Gouttierre, "The Society and Its Environment," Chapter 2, "Family" section, Afghanistan, Library of Congress Country Study. (1997). Available in on-line edition at: http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/aftoc.html
64. Elizabeth Jelin and Ana Rita Díaz-Muñoz, "Major Trends Affecting Families: South America in Perspective," Major Trends Affecting Families: A Background Document, Report for United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Program on the Family (2003) p. 6. Archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtjelin.pdf
65. Elizabeth Jelin and Ana Rita Díaz-Muñoz, "Major Trends Affecting Families: South America in Perspective," Major Trends Affecting Families: A Background Document, Report for United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Program on the Family (2003) pp. 4-5. Archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtjelin.pdf
66. Elizabeth Jelin and Ana Rita Díaz-Muñoz, "Major Trends Affecting Families: South America in Perspective," Major Trends Affecting Families: A Background Document, Report for United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Program on the Family (2003) p. 20. Archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtjelin.pdf
67. Elizabeth Jelin and Ana Rita Díaz-Muñoz, "Major Trends Affecting Families: South America in Perspective," Major Trends Affecting Families: A Background Document, Report for United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Program on the Family (2003) p. 20. Archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtjelin.pdf
68. Elizabeth Jelin and Ana Rita Díaz-Muñoz, "Major Trends Affecting Families: South America in Perspective," Major Trends Affecting Families: A Background Document, Report for United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Program on the Family (2003) pp. 20-21. Archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtjelin.pdf
69. Juan Antonio Fernández Cordón, The Situation of Families in Spain in 2001, European Observatory on Family Matters (2001), p. 2. Archived at: http://europa.eu.int/comm/employment_social/eoss/downloads/gm_01_spain_cordon_en.pdf
70. Robert Cliquet, "Major Trends Affecting Families In the New Millennium – Western Europe and North America," Major Trends Affecting Families: A Background Document, Report for United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Program on the Family (2003), p. 20 (citations omitted). Archived at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtcliquet.pdf
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