Families at Work
 
Estimated Number of Printed Pages: 4
 
TOPICS COVERED: Ever feel like your family is being torn apart by the very jobs you need to support your family? This memo will provide some perspective. First, we have some reasons why kids have said their parents deserve a "father (or mother) of the year." (Which is seriously going to make you wonder just what it is we're teaching these kids.) And just when you've recovered seeing if you're measuring up to their reasons, we've got information on how parents themselves believe they are doing on balancing work and family, and just who it is who's doing this juggling act.
 
MEMOS ON RELATED INFORMATION: Caregivers at Work, Children At Risk, Fathers and Sons, Mothers and Daughters, Grandparents, Child Care, Family Economic Issues.
 
Links to Sources for this material are available below. Please also see The Factbook Sources page for further information regarding Factbook sources and their availability.
 

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FAMILIES AT WORK

 
 
 
 
Why My Daddy Should Be Father of the Year . . . . Why My Mommy Should Be Mother of the Year . . . .
 

Love
49 percent of kids say that one of the reasons their parents should be "parents of the year" is that their parents love them. A higher percentage actually mention "love" when talking about their fathers – but at least some analysis indicates that that's because it's, uh, filler. They don't really understand what daddies do, so they say "love," when they can't think of anything any else. But mommies, if this is any consolation to dads out there, are generally supposed to get the award because they are "nice" or the generic "good mother."

 
 
Work
10 percent of kids say that one of the reasons their parents should be "parents of the year" is that their parents work. Twice as many kids think that their fathers should get the award based on their work than giving it to mothers because they work.

 
 
Has time with me –
11 percent of kids say that one of the reasons their parents should be "parents of the year" is that they have time for their kids. More kids give their fathers credit for this than moms, despite the fact they actually are spending more time with their mothers.

 
 
Takes care of me when I'm sick –
12 percent of kids say that's one of the reasons their parents should be "parents of the year": taking care of the kids when they're sick.

 
 
Cooks –
27 percent of kids say that parents cooking for them is a reason their parents should be "parents of the year." Dads get credit for a specialty item (he makes me pancakes); Moms are described more generally (she makes me dinner). Cooking is the third most common reason you should give their parents the award – right behind "love" and "nice" – and it's from almost twice to almost three times as important as any other specific task the kids mention. So it isn't just a man's heart apparently that can be won through his stomach.

 
 
They take me places –
Don't underestimate the value of the carpool: 18 percent of kids say that the fact that the parents took them where they needed to go was a reason for the parent award.

 
 
For those who think buying a present at the airport replaces being gone for a couple days –
Well, you might be right. "Buys me things," is a reason for the award for 14 percent of kids. Which – ugh – is three percent more than "has time for me." And just one percent less than "helps me with my homework" (15 percent).

 
 
She's the prototype, stereotypical good nurturer
Okay, they don't write it in those words, but basically Mommy usually deserves the award because she's a good nurturer and does all the things that good mommies are "supposed to do," e.g. cook, clean, help me with my homework.

 
 
He's not like other dads
Daddy, on the other hand, usually deserves the award because he's exceptional – he's not like other dads, because of things the kid perceives are not required of him. He works more, or spends more time with me. And generally, Daddy should get the award because of specific fun things he does with me, not the fact that he's raising me.

 

Nine percent
of the working parents with kids in day care feel very successful in balancing the demands of work and family.
 
 
 
14.3 percent
of American married mothers believe they are not very successful or not at all successful balancing work and family obligations.
 
 
15.4 percent
of American married fathers believe they are not very successful or not at all successful balancing work and family obligations.
 
 
 
46.1 percent
of American married mothers believe they are somewhat successful at balancing work and family obligations.
 
 
 
44.9 percent
of American married fathers believe they are somewhat successful at balancing work and family obligations.
 
 
 
39.6 percent
of American married mothers believe they are very successful or completely successful at balancing work and family obligations.
 
 
39.8 percent
of American married fathers believe they are very successful or completely successful at balancing work and family obligations. In case you missed that – that's almost exactly the same percent as the mothers.
 
 
14.7 percent
of American married mothers refused a job promotion, because of their family responsibilities.
 
 
17.4 percent
of American married fathers refused a job promotion, because of their family responsibilities.
 
 
 
41.2 percent
of American married mothers took on extra paid work to take care of their families.
 
 
54.1 percent
of American married mothers took on extra paid work to take care of their families.
 
 
 
31.6 percent
of American married mothers cut back on paid work to take care of their families.
 
 
31.5 percent
of American married fathers cut back on paid work to take care of their families. Once again – almost exactly the same!
 
 
 
62 percent
of American married fathers have missed an occasion with their families because of work responsibilities.
 
 
 
37 percent
of American married mothers have missed an occasion with their families because of work responsibilities.
 
 
 
17.9 percent
of American married fathers haven't been able to take care of a sick child because of work responsibilities.
 
 
 
24.8 percent
of American married mothers haven't been able to take care of a sick child because of work responsibilities. But that doesn't mean that they skipped less times with their sick kids. Instead, the researchers feel that they report more times they weren't with their kids, because they think it's their responsibility to be there.
 
 
 
55.3 percent
of American married fathers say that work has kept them from doing normal housework.
 
 
40.7 percent
of American married mothers say that work has kept them from doing normal housework.
 
 
 
Long work hours
effect the way American married fathers view their ability to balance work and family, but work hours don't really affect a working mother's view of work-family balance.
 
 
 
Having younger children
negatively affects the way American working mothers view their ability to balance work and family, probably because they have more difficulties in handling child care.
 
 
 
Making sacrifices at work for the family
negatively affects the way American fathers view their ability to balance work and family – and it does so more than it does for mothers.
 
 
Making sacrifices at home for work
negatively affects the way American mothers view their ability to balance work and family – and it does so more than it does for fathers.
 
 
Marital happiness
effects the way American married fathers' and mothers' view of work-family balance.
 
 
 
Housework
doesn't really effect the way American married mothers view their ability to balance work and family.
 
 
 
But, a perceived unfairness in who is responsible for what
does effect the way American married fathers does effect their ability to balance work and family – their wives' resentment if they think it's unfair effects their husbands' view on their ability to balance work and family.
 
 
 
43.2 percent
of black women in the U.S. were the family's breadwinner in 1900.
 
 
 
20.6 percent
of white women in the U.S. were working in 1900.
 
 
 
Just one percent
of Czech women are permanent housewives.
 
 
 
10 percent
of women in Denmark work more than 40 hours a week.
 
 
 
20 percent
of women in Germany work more than 40 hours a week.
 
 
 
60 percent
of women in the U.S. work more than 40 hours a week.
 
 
 
Over 80 percent
of women in the Czech Republic work more than 40 hours a week.
 
 
 
In 57 percent
of Australian families with children, both parents work. That's an increase of 17 percent since 1983.
 
 
 
"The economies in the Anglo countries tend to be stronger than those in China and Latin America, resulting in a higher average household income. Thus, working longer hours in the Anglo world may appear to be less necessary for family survival. It makes sense that where making a living is more difficult, people would be more accepting of working long hours. Similarly, higher unemployment rates than those in Anglo countries may force managers in less developed areas to protect their jobs by working longer hours. Such extended hours would be tolerated by the family as a necessary evil, or even celebrated as a further guarantee of job security in an uncertain job market where having a management job is certainly an unusual privilege. Furthermore, there may be greater extended family support in collectivist countries on matters such as babysitting children, thereby making it easier for families to manage with one or even both parents working long hours."
 
 
 
In the nineteenth century working /immigrant classes, "Typically, a male laborer earned two-thirds of his family's income. The other third was earned by his wife and children. Many married women contributed to the working-class family economy by performing work that could be done in the home, such as embroidering, tailoring, or doing laundry, or caring for boarders or lodgers. The wages of children were particularly critical for a working-class family's standard of living. children under the age of fifteen contributed 20 percent of the income of many working-class families. Among many ethnic groups, it was common for daughters to leave school at an early age and go to work so that sons could continue their education. It was also customary for a daughter to remain unmarried so that she could care for younger siblings or her parents in their old age. The concept of the "family economy" describes this pattern, in which decision making was a by-product of collective needs rather than of individual preferences."
 
 
 
In 1926, a women in The Survey wrote an essay to answer the question, "Shall women work?" with the following: "That question is perhaps best answered by the sarcastic laughter which it might well arose in any but the most dilettante group. Women, by and large, have always worked – as men have – to support themselves and their families. If there is any new consideration on this point, it is the comparative leisure of the middle-class, middle-aged Ameri-can wives of hard-working husbands. In the past, and in Europe today, leisure has ordinarily been a prerogative of class rather than sex; the men of the 'upper' classes as well as the women have enjoyed it. For all but an in-significant iota of the women of the world, there is no problem of the whether to work or not, but only the question, where?"
 
 
 
In 1926, a (female) writer in The Survey wrote: “Gradually, in the conventional order, the husband-father, has come to find himself the sole support of the family. On the farm, even in the village and town, the wife’s work has a decided economic significance. Often the chores done by the children count in the same way. But in the cities, after a few years of intensive child care, the wife at home adds little to the family’s resources by her work. ¶ When you have to buy fruit as well as sugar, and to pay for the gas for cooking, why bother to make jam and jelly and pre-serves? They can be bought for not a great deal more than the retail cost of ingredients, from the factories which purchase wholesale and manufacture with economics of large-scale production. . . . Whichever way you figure it, the greatest part of the outlay is in cash; the work in the home, by an unspecialized jill-of-all-trades brings an almost negligible saving. And so the woman becomes chiefly a kind of family purchasing agent, with shopping as a major vocation, saving pennies here and there adding chiefly in a negative way to the economic well-being of the family.”
 
 
 
In 1926, a (female) writer in The Survey wrote: “An indignant chorus will insist that money is not every-thing; that there are intangible values in the constant pre-sence of the ‘homemaker’ which are not to be measured in cash. Undoubtedly the life of any family is the richer for the concentration of an interested adult, male or female, upon the intangibles. But most of us must consider the busi-ness of living before we can afford to think about the art of living. Until money for essentials, at least, is in sight even the interested homemaker’s attention is likely to be concentrated on the petty tangibles of economics of the cash-and-carry store, dragging the baby along as she shops, rather than upon the child’s recre-ational needs at that moment.”
 
 
 
In 1926, a (female) writer in The Survey wrote about her friend, “She would rather stay at home, if it could be done with provision for necessi-ties and a modest margin for emergencies and recreation and sociability; but when it means anxiety, insecurity, and isolation – well, she is glad she can get a job. She want the children to have more opportunity than she had– she guesses that now she is back to work, for good, or at least until they are educated.”
 
 
 
In 1926, another writer in The Survey admonished, “Three vital facts, however, we sometimes forget: that for the first time in the world's history, when the mother goes forth to work, the children are left behind; that the work she has ‘followed’ out of the home is no longer ‘her’ work – she has little or no control over her hours of labor, wages, or working con-ditions that her work and the materials she uses in it have no longer any connection whatever with her other main responsibility in life, the rearing and training of children. This final point is true even of the women who earns at home; there is no child-training material to be found in the day’s task of the industrial home-work; ‘sewing on pants’ and child-care are mutually exclusive, and one is done at the expense of the other.”
 
 
 
In 1926, yet another writer in The Survey explained, “When the family income was measured in food, clothing an shelter and all the members of the family helped produce it, it proportioned itself naturally to the size of the family. When production was shifted from the home and small shop to the factory and was measured in chase, all the family not unnaturally tried to follow it. In the early days of the factory system the workers were unmercifully exploited, and the history of social reform was for years the history of the attempt to release women and children from the bondage of long hours and savage conditions of work, and to restore them to the home. This spirited attempt was largely successful. As a result the father’s earnings began to form the chief part of the family income; and when the shift to factory pro-duction was virtually complete, as it is today, they became in effect the family income. ¶ But no sooner had the long struggle to make the man’s income the family income triumphed, than the somber phe-nomenon of the ‘dependent family’ appeared, due to the destruction of the old natural proportion between family income and the size of the family. Before the Industrial Revolution a man added to his income by acquiring a wife and children; today he adds chiefly to his liability by the acquisition.”
 
 
 
In 1943, Parents' Magazine reported,“The problem of distributing the burden of war work equitably and without drawning too heavily upon women who are mothers and home-makers is greatly complicated by the fact that the need for workers is not spread over the country evenly. . . . These dangers are as great as would be those involved if the homemakers of the community were asked to assume a heavy load of war work thus running the risk of neglect-ing their children and homes."
 
 
 
More than a third
of U.S. teens aged 16 and 17 who are in school are also in the labor force.
 
 
 
In the Netherlands, "With respect to the normative aim of an equal division of labour between partners in a heterosexual marriage or partnership (Künzler et al. 1999), we feel it necessary to point out that a rather equal division of paid labour tends to predominate as a period in the life course of young couples. The moment they become a family, the equal sharing of tasks comes to an end. The process that leads to a more unequal division of labour will be described in the next section. The most prevalent pattern is that of a family where the father is working full-time and the mother is working for an extra income that, in most cases, amounts to a half-time job or less."
 
________________________________________________________________________________
 
Melissa A. Milkie, Robin W. Simon, Brian Powell, "Through the Eyes of Children: Youths' Perceptions and Evaluations of Maternal and Paternal Roles," Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 60, No. 3, pp. 218-237 (September 1997), pp. 226-228. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0190-2725%28199709%2960%3A3%3C218%3ATTEOCY%3E2.0.CO%3B2-2
Melissa A. Milkie, Robin W. Simon, Brian Powell, "Through the Eyes of Children: Youths' Perceptions and Evaluations of Maternal and Paternal Roles," Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 60, No. 3, pp. 218-237 (September 1997), pp. 226, 228. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0190-2725%28199709%2960%3A3%3C218%3ATTEOCY%3E2.0.CO%3B2-2
Melissa A. Milkie, Robin W. Simon, Brian Powell, "Through the Eyes of Children: Youths' Perceptions and Evaluations of Maternal and Paternal Roles," Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 60, No. 3, pp. 218-237 (September 1997), pp. 226, 228. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0190-2725%28199709%2960%3A3%3C218%3ATTEOCY%3E2.0.CO%3B2-2
Melissa A. Milkie, Robin W. Simon, Brian Powell, "Through the Eyes of Children: Youths' Perceptions and Evaluations of Maternal and Paternal Roles," Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 60, No. 3, pp. 218-237 (September 1997), p. 228. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0190-2725%28199709%2960%3A3%3C218%3ATTEOCY%3E2.0.CO%3B2-2
Melissa A. Milkie, Robin W. Simon, Brian Powell, "Through the Eyes of Children: Youths' Perceptions and Evaluations of Maternal and Paternal Roles," Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 60, No. 3, pp. 218-237 (September 1997), pp. 226-228. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0190-2725%28199709%2960%3A3%3C218%3ATTEOCY%3E2.0.CO%3B2-2
Melissa A. Milkie, Robin W. Simon, Brian Powell, "Through the Eyes of Children: Youths' Perceptions and Evaluations of Maternal and Paternal Roles," Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 60, No. 3, pp. 218-237 (September 1997), p. 228. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0190-2725%28199709%2960%3A3%3C218%3ATTEOCY%3E2.0.CO%3B2-2
Melissa A. Milkie, Robin W. Simon, Brian Powell, "Through the Eyes of Children: Youths' Perceptions and Evaluations of Maternal and Paternal Roles," Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 60, No. 3, pp. 218-237 (September 1997), p. 228. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0190-2725%28199709%2960%3A3%3C218%3ATTEOCY%3E2.0.CO%3B2-2
Melissa A. Milkie, Robin W. Simon, Brian Powell, "Through the Eyes of Children: Youths' Perceptions and Evaluations of Maternal and Paternal Roles," Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 60, No. 3, pp. 218-237 (September 1997). Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0190-2725%28199709%2960%3A3%3C218%3ATTEOCY%3E2.0.CO%3B2-2
Melissa A. Milkie, Robin W. Simon, Brian Powell, "Through the Eyes of Children: Youths' Perceptions and Evaluations of Maternal and Paternal Roles," Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 60, No. 3, pp. 218-237 (September 1997). Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0190-2725%28199709%2960%3A3%3C218%3ATTEOCY%3E2.0.CO%3B2-2
Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 478 (citing Hochschild's 1997 The Time Bind.). Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), pp. 483, 480. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 483. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 488. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 488. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 488. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 488. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 488. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 488. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
According to a study of responses to the 1996 General Social Survey. Melissa A. Milkie and Pia Peltola, "Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-Family Balancing Act," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 2. pp. 476-490 (May 1999), p. 488. Archived at: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2445%28199905%2961%3A2%3C476%3APATRGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
Shanfa Yu, "A Cross-national Comparative Study of Work–Family Stressors, Working Hours, and Well-being: China and Latin America versus the Anglo World," Personnel Psychology (March 22, 2004)(citations omitted). Archived at: http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?docid=1G1:114785362.
________, "Family Structures," Encyclopedia of American Social History. 3 vols. Charles Scribner's Sons, Reproduced in the History Resource Center, Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Group. Archived at: http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/HistRC Document No. BT2313027032 (1993).
Mary Ross, “Shall We Join the Gentlemen?,” The Survey, p. 263, et seq. (December 1, 1926) p. 263.
Mary Ross, “Shall We Join the Gentlemen?,” The Survey, p. 263, et seq. (December 1, 1926) p. 264.
Mary Ross, “Shall We Join the Gentlemen?,” The Survey, p. 263, et seq. (December 1, 1926) p. 264.
Mary Ross, “Shall We Join the Gentlemen?,” The Survey, p. 263, et seq. (December 1, 1926) p. 265.
Helen Glenn Tyson, "Mothers Who Earn" The Survey, Vol. LVII no. 5, pp. 265-279 (December 1, 1926) p. 275.
Alice Beal Parsons, “Four Ways to Support a Family: IV. The Parent’s Wages,” The Survey, p. 284, et seq. (December 1, 1926)p. 284.
Frances Frisbie O'Donnell, “The War Needs Women,” Parents’ Magazine, Vol. 18, pp. 24-36 et seq. (September 1943) p. 25.
Anne Meis Knupfer, Toward A Tenderer Humanity and Nobler Womanhood: African American Women's Women's Clubs in Turn-of-the-Century Chicago, New York University Press, New York, New York (1996), p. 42.
Anne Meis Knupfer, Toward A Tenderer Humanity and Nobler Womanhood: African American Women's Women's Clubs in Turn-of-the-Century Chicago, New York University Press, New York, New York (1996), p. 42.
Anne Meis Knupfer, Toward A Tenderer Humanity and Nobler Womanhood: African American Women's Women's Clubs in Turn-of-the-Century Chicago, New York University Press, New York, New York (1996), p. 42.
Mary Pattillo-McCoy, "Black Middle Class," Encyclopedia of African-American Culture and History, Jack Salzman et al., eds., Macmillian Library Reference, U.S.A (1996), p. 23. Available at: http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0028654412/104-4683855-3160754?v=glance&n=283155&s=books&v=glance
Mary Pattillo-McCoy, "Black Middle Class," Encyclopedia of African-American Culture and History, Jack Salzman et al., eds., Macmillian Library Reference, U.S.A (1996), p. 23. Available at: http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0028654412/104-4683855-3160754?v=glance&n=283155&s=books&v=glance
Ivo Mozny and Tomas Katrnak, "The Czech Family," Handbook of World Families, Bert N. Adams and Jan Trost (eds). Sage Publications, Inc., Thousand Oaks, CA, pp. 235-261 (2005), pp. 249. Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0761927638/qid=1123855404/sr=8-1/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i1_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846
Ivo Mozny and Tomas Katrnak, "The Czech Family," Handbook of World Families, Bert N. Adams and Jan Trost (eds). Sage Publications, Inc., Thousand Oaks, CA, pp. 235-261 (2005), p. 249. Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0761927638/qid=1123855404/sr=8-1/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i1_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846
Ivo Mozny and Tomas Katrnak, "The Czech Family," Handbook of World Families, Bert N. Adams and Jan Trost (eds). Sage Publications, Inc., Thousand Oaks, CA, pp. 235-261 (2005), p. 249. Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0761927638/qid=1123855404/sr=8-1/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i1_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846
Ivo Mozny and Tomas Katrnak, "The Czech Family," Handbook of World Families, Bert N. Adams and Jan Trost (eds). Sage Publications, Inc., Thousand Oaks, CA, pp. 235-261 (2005), p. 249. Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0761927638/qid=1123855404/sr=8-1/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i1_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846
Ivo Mozny and Tomas Katrnak, "The Czech Family," Handbook of World Families, Bert N. Adams and Jan Trost (eds). Sage Publications, Inc., Thousand Oaks, CA, pp. 235-261 (2005), pp. 240, 242. Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0761927638/qid=1123855404/sr=8-1/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i1_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846
David De Vaus, "Australian Families," Handbook of World Families, Bert N. Adams and Jan Trost (eds). Sage Publications, Inc., Thousand Oaks, CA, pp. 67-98 (2005), p. 81. Available through: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0761927638/qid=1123855404/sr=8-1/ref=sr_8_xs_ap_i1_xgl14/104-0887680-4192712?v=glance&s=books&n=507846
As of 2000. Terry Lugaila and Julia Overturf, Children and the Households They Live In: 2000, U.S. Census 2000 Special Reports, CENSR-14. U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC (2004), p. 12. Archived at: http://www.census.gov/prod/2004pubs/censr-14.pdf
Hans-Joachim Schulze and Peter Cuyvers, The Situation of Families in The Netherlands in 2001, European Observatory on Family Matters (2001), p. 4. Archived at: http://europa.eu.int/comm/employment_social/eoss/downloads/gm_01_netherlands_schulze_cuyvers.pdf