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Asia / Pacific Rim (Part One)
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Estimated Number of Printed Pages: 48
This information duplicates items from the rest of The Factbook, selecting only those items that relate to Asia and the Pacific Rim. However, numbers don't mean much without a comparison to family life in other continents. And that is why we may have included a lot of information on certain issues, but it seems like we have less regional information for others. Actually, that isn't the case – we just chose what were for us notable commonalities or exceptions, cross-culturally. For further information about a particular region, see the regional studies reports we've referenced in the footnotes: they probably have any additional information you might need on a particular country or region.
Links to Sources for this material are available below. Please also see The Factbook Sources page for further information regarding Factbook sources and their availability.
HOUSEHOLDS AND FAMILY HOUSEHOLDS
14.8 million
Number of Australians (82 percent) who lived with at least one other family member in 2001, making up 4.9 million families in total. 5.
60 percent
of Australian families – 2.5 million – in 2003 had children in them. 7.
7.6 million
Total number of Australian households. 9.
71 percent
of Australian households – just over 5.4 million – that are family households. 10.
COUPLES OR HOUSEHOLD HEADS ON THEIR OWN?
84 percent
of Australian families in 2003 were couple families – 4.6 million. 12.
71 percent
of Australian families with at least one child age 0-17 years in 2003 – 1.8 million – are intact couple families. 13.
HOUSEHOLD SIZE
74.2 percent
of households in Pakistan have five or more members. 46.
3.1
The average size of an Australian family household in 2003. 51.
7.4
Average household size in Afghanistan in the 1990s. 52.
6.7
Average household size in Pakistan in the 1990s. 53.
5.4
Average household size in India in the 1990s. 54.
2.7
Japan’s average household size in 2000. 55.
5.4
India’s average household size in the 1990s, a decrease from 5.5, in the 1980s. 56.
EXTENDED FAMILY HOUSEHOLDS
Four percent
of Australian families in 2003 – 213,800 – lived in multi-family households. 2.
1.8 percent
of Australian households contain more than one nuclear family. 4.
Four percent
of Australian households are extended family households. 9.
THEORIES AND RESPONSES TO WHY WOMEN DELAY
HAVING CHILDREN AND HAVE FEWER OF THEM
However, education and literacy alone do not appear to be the sole determinant of fertility rates. For example, educational attainment has dramatically risen in some Arab and Asian nations, but the fertility rates of those nations have not changed as much as was expected. So there must be other cultural, social and economic factors may diminish or even outweigh the education factor. 2.
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| “Have three or more, if you can afford it” –
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In 1970, Singapore had a fertility rate of 3.1. 8.
Then after two decades of a “stop at two” policy, and achieving a national fertility rate of just 1.62 – well beneath the replacement rate – Singapore announced in 1987 that families should have three or more children, if they could afford them, and then began to create family-growth policies such as tax incentives for additional children. Within three years, the fertility rate shot up by 15 percent. And the number of third births in 1990 was almost double the rate of them in 1986. 9.
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India’s two-child norm
A change in laws encourages couples to have permanent sterilization – but it is now voluntary – after having a second child, and while giving states the right to impose disincentives for those who decide to have more than two children. Among the new penalties: prohibiting those with more than two children from serving in political office. Hundreds of officials are vulnerable for dismissal, and political foes are apparently using the law to settle old scores. 10.
32 percent
of women in India’s Uttar Pradesh who did not agree that an Indian family should have no more than two children. Those in lower castes believe a larger number of children is ideal, while those in higher castes think a smaller family was better. Muslims wanted more children than Hindus. Women who wanted larger families were: poorly educated, the non-literate, and lower-incomes. Women who were exposed to mass media preferred a small family than those who were not (79 percent vs. 62 percent). Those who had a child die preferred a larger family (74 percent vs. 59 percent). Reasons why the women said that they shouldn't follow the two-child norm? For over half, it was the high child mortality rate. Over a third said that they needed the children's support financially – both from the income from child labor and later, to support them in old age – and the belief that children are a gift from God. 11.
Theory for why Bangladesh’s fertility rate is still high –
Because children are considered assets in the patriarchal society, and may be considered insurance that the parents will be taken care of (by their children) when they are old. 13.
They think the Pill is the answer to increasing births? Do they know what it's for?
Actually, yes. But it's true. In Japan, politicians who want more women to be on the pill won't be condemned for their lack of family values; instead, they may be lauded as being "pronatalist." Here's what happened. A government council that was addressing its plummeting fertility rates found that Japanese women didn't want to marry because most of the available forms of contraception were well, for men to use. And the women had decided that if they couldn't control their own fertility, they wouldn't marry. It's sounds more than a little circular in logic, but basically the idea is, if Japanese women are sure that they don't have to get pregnant during their marriages, then they'll get married . . . and then get pregnant. 14.
"Kinder statt Inder"
Roughly translated as, "Children, not Indians," "Kinder statt Inder" is the name of the contentious German campaign encouraging native Germany citizens have children to provide for its future work force, rather than relying on a supply of Indian immigrants. Germany is not alone in struggling with whether immigration will have to be the answer to its shrinking population. Conversely, experts warns that efforts like that are just examples of the political struggles that are yet to come in all of the more developed nations. Ironically, there would probably a similar controversy in the U.S., but the fact that its fertility rate is falling is masked by the influx of young immigrants who have larger families. And, therefore, the political issue in the U.S. that draws all of the attention is immigration – not the fact that these immigrants are propping up the native-born populations' decreasing birth rates. 15.
FERTILITY RATE
The U.S. and New Zealand –
two of the few developed countries in the world to be at the fertility rate replacement level. And both of those are largely due to the presence of a particular ethnic group. In the U.S., it's the Hispanic population: Hispanic women had 20 percent of all births in 2002, and were the only segment of the population to exceed the replacement rate: non-Hispanic whites only had 60 percent of births, black women, 15 percent, and Asians and Pacific Islanders, just 5 percent. Similarly, in New Zealand, it's the Maori who are keeping the fertility rate above replacement level. 22.
1.75
Australia's total fertility rate in 2003, down from a rate of 3.5 in 1961, and 2.8 in 1967. 37.
Three
India’s total fertility rate. 38.
Over five
The Total Fertility Rate (total fertility rate) of Bhutan, Maldives and Pakistan, 1995-2000. 39.
Over 100 out of 1000
Number of infant deaths per live births (the infant mortality rate) in 1970-1975 in every South Asian Country but Sri Lanka. 40.
Sri Lanka
the only country in South Asia to have reached the replacement level fertility with a total fertility rate of 2.1. 41.
23
Infant mortality rate in Sri Lanka, 1995-2000 – the only South Asian nation to go down to the 2.1 replacement rate. 42.
6.75
Total fertility rate in Afghanistan. 43.
164
Infant mortality rate in Afghanistan. 44.
1.38
Japanese Fertility Rate (est.) in 2004. 45.
FAMILY SIZE AND CHILDLESSNESS
20 - 28 percent
The estimated percent of Australian women now in their early thirties who will be permanently childless. 56.
A second wife
In Kenya and Afghanistan, wives' infertility is often resolved by the husbands' marrying a second wife. 58.
DELAYING HAVING CHILDREN
27.6 years old
average age of Australian women having their first child. Almost 25 percent of women there are 35 or older when they have their first child. 75.
Women, aged 30-34
For fourth consecutive years, from 2000 to 2004, the Australian women's age group with the highest fertility were those women aged 30-34 years – with a rate of 113 babies per 1,000 women. 76.
Sri Lanka –
The country in South and Central Asia with the currently highest median age for mothers at first birth – 26.3 years. 84.
TEEN PREGNANCY
16.9 years, to 18.4 years
Of all Bangaldeshi women now 45-49 years old, the median age at first birth was 16.9 years old. For women in Bangaldesh now 20 to 24, their median age was slightly older – 18.4 years hold. 85.
POPULATION – INTERNATIONAL DEMOGRAPHICS
One-fifth
of the world's population lives in China. 33.
More than one-third
of the world's population lives in China or India. 34.
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| Having Under Five Percent of the world's population, United States ranked third in terms of total population size in 2000. 35.
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Almost half of the global population increase from 1950 to 2000
came from just five countries: the United States, India, China, Nigeria, and Indonesia. 36.
Though the U.S. population is only one-fourth of the size of India's, the United States has more people ages 80 and over than India does. 45.
46.
117 males to 100 females
the gender imbalance in China in 2000. For second children born in a family, the disparity was much greater: there were 152 males born to 100 females. 50.
77 years
Average life expectancy for a Japanese man. 51.
84 years
Average life expectancy for a Japanese woman in 1999. 52
43.5
Life expectancy, for a female born in Afghanistan in 2000-2005. 53.
AGING - DEMOGRAPHICS
China, India, Japan, Indonesia, and the United States
were the nations that contributed the most to the past decade's growth of the world's elderly population. This was due primarily to the countries' comparatively low mortality rates and their large overall populations. 13.
65 percent
of the world’s oldest old live in ten countries – most of which are the More Developed Countries. China and India are included in the nations' with the most "oldest old" – but that is because of the sheer size of their national populations. No other "less developed countries" are on the top ten list for having the most the oldest old. 14.
CAREGIVING FOR THE AGING
Living With The Kids?
611,000
elderly people lived alone in Japan in 1975. While there were 931,000 elderly couple households. 67.
3,179,000
elderly people lived alone in Japan in 2001. By that year, the number of elderly couple households had risen to 4,545,000. 68.
More than 80 percent
of elderly in Sri Lanka live with their children. And two-thirds of the nation's elderly live in households with at least four other people. 69.
MOTHERS' ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITIES
In cross-cultural comparisons of Japanese and American mothers, researchers found marked differences in their perceptions in their roles as mothers. American mothers saw their responsibilities as primarily raising the child through adolescence. They saw that they need to provide physical care for the child, but that the father should aid them in this. And they felt no particular duty to raise the child in relationship to its lineage. Japanese mothers saw themselves as having a life-long responsibility for their children. They believed that they were a part of their husband's lineage, and that their role in that was to raise their children to be respectful, cooperative, and highly achievement-oriented. 12.
Mother-in-Law
In families in Afghanistan, the mother-in-law is at the pinnacle of the hierarchy of a household that includes not just the mother-in-law herself, but also all of her daughters-in-law and her own daughters. In families with where there are more than one wife present, each wife has a separately furnished room, where she can keep her belongings – she may even prepare meals in this area. 13.
Mom's on their side in India –
In urban India, mothers are increasingly responsible for their children's upbringing. As a result, children look on their mothers as the parent who is their friend and understands their needs more – and may ask her to represent those needs to their comparatively distant, authoritarian father. 14.
– but not quite as much so in China –
Chinese parents are traditionally very demanding. And this is particularly the case for the mothers of daughters, who have been thought to be responsible for ensuring their daughters' chastity before marriage – which has meant that they closely monitor their daughters' activities. However, they seem to be less harsh on their daughters than their sons – which studies indicate that they may less likely to use corporal punishment for girls as they are for their sons. 15.
Sati (or, suttee)
The traditional Indian, Hindu practice of female self-immolation. Based in the story of how Sati, the wife of the god Shiva, killed herself when her father insulted Shiva, the custom of widows throwing themselves on their husband’s cremation pyre has gone on since possibly 400 B.C.E. By the middle ages, not only wives were burning, but other female servants and relatives as well. Rarely does it seem that it was an entirely voluntary act. Instead, it was seen as a way to preserve the honor of the family and fulfill a woman's duty to never leave her husband. It also seemed to offer guaranteed instant salvation when faced with the utter misery of widowhood. The practice was officially outlawed in 1829; however, reports of scattered incidents of sati have continued until very recent times. And perhaps it is sati that is the root of the so-called "kitchen fires," the cause of deaths for many young Indian brides, which are widely rumored to be murders by their husbands or relatives. 19.
DAUGHTERS' ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITIES
Neglect, or worse
The "son preference" in India is so strong that it means that daughters are sometimes severely neglected – to the point that they may have no self-worth when they become an adult, leaving them vulnerable to humiliation, beatings, etc. The neglect is so severe, that girl children die at a rate much higher than boys. 24.
But they might not do the housework or obey their parents –
the reason many Indian parents don't want to educate their daughters. 25.
FACTS ABOUT DADS AND SONS
Strong –
the "son preference" in India.
Uh, so how does that work, exactly?
While 96 percent of Australian fathers believe that mothers and fathers should have equal responsibility in bringing up their children, about 75 percent of them thought that mothers are better nurturers and were better suited to raising children. And half thought that preschool children need their mothers more than their fathers.
"Compared with men, women are more encouraged to express their emotions in the Chinese culture. Such a practice can be seen in the popular Chinese saying "nan er liu xie bu liu lei" (a man should drop blood but not tears). Thus, cultural conditions could explain why Chinese adolescents perceive their mothers as more concerned and responsive than their fathers. The relatively higher level of perceived paternal harshness might be explained by the fact that fathers are usually regarded as the "legitimate" agents in administering punishment and are likely to use more force in executing punishment (see Ho, 1986, 1987)."
"Finally, Chinese mothers are charged with the basic socialization and caregiving tasks, reflected in the popular Chinese saying "nan zhu wai, nu zhu nei" (men take care of things outside the family, whereas women take care of things inside the family). The mother's role might explain why they were perceived to be more demanding (in terms of monitoring) than Chinese fathers."
"What conclusions can be drawn from the present findings with respect to the traditional portrait of "strict father, kind mother" in the Chinese culture? If strictness is defined in terms of harshness, the present findings appear to provide some support for the notion of "strict father, kind mother." However, if strictness is defined in terms of demandingness, the data obtained do not show that Chinese fathers are more demanding than Chinese mothers. Therefore, the present findings suggest that there is a need to redefine the notion of "strict father" in the Chinese culture, by broadening it to include both harshness and demandingness."
Party of seven –
Traditionally, the ideal family in South Korea was made up of the parents, and two or three sons, and another one or two daughters. It was expected that the eldest son would live with the parents, while the others would be raise families on their own.
"I hope it's a boy" –
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| Smaller families in Asia have meant a strong resurgence of the traditional preference for sons.
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In 1965, just six percent of Taiwan's potential mothers hoped their first child was a boy.
In 1991, 52 percent of Taiwan's potential mothers hoped their first child was a boy.
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| It's Because of A Crisis –
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– And in South Asia, grandparents are raising their grandchildren because their parents have emigrated to other nations to find work. 40.
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| 12 percent of babies born in Australia in 2001 were born to single mothers.
18 percent
of all babies born in Australia in 2001 were by an unmarried mother who was living with the father at the time of the birth. So less than half of the babies by unmarried mothers were actually born by single mothers.
2 percent
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| of all Australian families in 2003 who were one parent families (799,800).
20 percent
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| of households in Sri Lanka are female-headed. That's the highest proportion of female-headed households in South Asia, "mainly due to the existing political unrest. Consequently a significant number of young widows have emerged as female heads of households. A note worthy feature of female headed households is that the majority are widowed women, and the average size of their households are comparatively small."
22 percent
of all Australian families with children aged 0-17, the proportion that are one parent families.
Single Parent Families in Poverty
" . . . Divorced in East and Southeastern Asia women with dependent children face serious constraints as single parents and as breadwinners particularly when they lack marketable skills that could secure them a job"
22 percent
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| of all Australian families with children aged 0-17, the proportion that are one parent families.
83 percent
of Australian lone parents in 2001 who were female (635,100) compared to 17 percent male (127,500).
53 percent
the "increase in, between 1986 and 2001, the number of one-parent families in Australia.] In contrast, the number of couple families with children increased by 3 percent."
14 percent
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| of all Australian families in 2003 who were one parent families (799,800).
35 percent
of Australian lone parents of children aged 0-17 years, who reported that they had never married.
19.9 percent
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| of Australian Children under 15 were living in single-parent homes in 2003.
2.5 percent
of Australian families with children under 15 are headed by a single-father.
19.3 percent
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| of Japanese women were in the paid labor force in 2000.
33 percent
of Japanese women in the paid labor force in 1950.
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| "In collectivist societies, according to Yang et al. (2000), people's focus is on the family's welfare. Work is seen not as a means of enhancing the self, but as a means of supporting the family. For example, Chinese traditionally view work as more important than leisure, and as contributing to family welfare instead of competing with it (Redding, 1993). Bu and McKeen (2000) found that Chinese business students were more committed to work than were Canadians and expected to work more hours. In addition, there may be less tendency for Chinese and other collectivists to consider home and work as independent domains, which may reflect more of a western point of view that is not universally held."
"The economies in the Anglo countries tend to be stronger than those in China and Latin America, resulting in a higher average household income. Thus, working longer hours in the Anglo world may appear to be less necessary for family survival. It makes sense that where making a living is more difficult, people would be more accepting of working long hours. Similarly, higher unemployment rates than those in Anglo countries may force managers in less developed areas to protect their jobs by working longer hours. Such extended hours would be tolerated by the family as a necessary evil, or even celebrated as a further guarantee of job security in an uncertain job market where having a management job is certainly an unusual privilege. Furthermore, there may be greater extended family support in collectivist countries on matters such as babysitting children, thereby making it easier for families to manage with one or even both parents working long hours."
60 percent
of Australian couple families with dependent children both parents are employed. Of the 698,800 couple families with dependent children where only one parent was employed, the employed parent was the father in 89 percent of cases.
If it's one parent working, it's Dad
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| Of the 698,800 Australian couple families with dependent children where only one parent was employed, the employed parent was the father in 89 percent of cases.
". . . neither capitalist America nor socialist China had shown real signs of a significant transformation from patriarchal to gender-egalitarian power relationships in the past fifty years. The wife's recent achievement in economic independence via labor force participation does not easily translate into a gender-balanced power structure in the conjugal family. In the case of Detroit, we do not see an expected steady decline in husbands' power since the 1960s' cohorts where women begun to increasingly enter into the labor force. In the case of China, the finding is consistent with previous studies, which revealed that in urban Chinese families husbands tend to dominate the decision-making process."
80-90 percent
of Sri Lanka's free trade zone labor force in 2003 was female.
A double-edged sword –
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| In South Asia, mothers' work gives the families the financial means to provide children with the necessary nutrition. But the children are still malnourished – because the mothers aren't around to ensure that the children are eating proper, nutritious meals. And infants fare even worse, since the working mothers can't breast-feed or establish regular feeding-schedules for their babies because of their work.
In 57 percent
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| of Australian families with children, both parents work. That's an increase of 17 percent since 1983.
"The economies in the Anglo countries tend to be stronger than those in China and Latin America, resulting in a higher average household income. Thus, working longer hours in the Anglo world may appear to be less necessary for family survival. It makes sense that where making a living is more difficult, people would be more accepting of working long hours. Similarly, higher unemployment rates than those in Anglo countries may force managers in less developed areas to protect their jobs by working longer hours. Such extended hours would be tolerated by the family as a necessary evil, or even celebrated as a further guarantee of job security in an uncertain job market where having a management job is certainly an unusual privilege. Furthermore, there may be greater extended family support in collectivist countries on matters such as babysitting children, thereby making it easier for families to manage with one or even both parents working long hours."
PAID VS. UNPAID WORK
Not surprisingly,
according to studies in the US and Australia, women and men do less unpaid work if they do more paid work. And they do more unpaid work if their spouse works more paid hours. 8.
But not everywhere –
Of Australian partnered men and women with children, men do twice as much paid work than the women, and the women do twice as much unpaid work as the men. 48.
61 percent
of Australian working mothers with partners surveyed said that they were "time stressed." 50.
43 percent
of Australian stay-at-home mothers with partners surveyed said that they, too, were "time stressed." 51.
CHILD CARE
Who's Doing What How Parents' Work and Education Effect Time with Their Kids
Who's Doing What
Increased
The amount of time studies have found that U.S. and Australian parents are spending in face-to-face activities with their children, despite a concurrent increase in the children’s increase of time spent at child care centers, preschool, and school programs. 15.
How Parents' Work and Education Effect Time with Kids
0.9 hours less –
the difference in hours per day that Australian employed parents spend (2.1 hours per day) in comparison to the number of hours spent by those who are not employed (3.0 hours per day) At least one sociologist argues that if similar findings are made in other nations, then working mothers have not dramatically effected the time spent with their children. 21.
WHO'S DOING HOUSEWORK?
50-60 percent
Amount of the total domestic work done by Chinese wives, regarding of their employment status. 4.
92.6 percent
of Japanese husbands surveyed who said their wives always or usually do the housework. 18.
97.8 percent
of those men's wives who said that they always or usually do the housework. 19.
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CHILD CARE
One-fourth
of Australian children under the age of 12 were in a formal child care program in 2001. Another one-third of the children were in informal child care settings. The most widely used form of child care in Australia: grandparents. 6.
In use for decades –
public child care facilities in China, due to a large number of women in the workforce. And the number of children in those programs has grown from 1,800 in 1950 to over 181,000 in 1998. 15.
One-half
of Australian children under the age of 11 receive child care from someone other than their parents, whether formally or informally. 38.
25 percent
of Australian children under the age of 11 are in formal child care – double the percentage in 1984. 39.
PRESCHOOL / EARLY CHILD DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS
80 percent –
of Australian children age three to six years old are in full or part time "early childhood education and care." 36.
Over 90 percent
of Japanese preschoolage children have been enrolled in either preschools and government-run day care centers before they began the formal school system. 37.
CROSS-CULTURAL DIFFERENCES IN CHILD REARING
“. . . educated middle-class Anglo-American mothers are found to consider it important to provide early stimulation to children, even during pregnancy, whereas lower-class Black mothers think it is the school's job to ‘teach children.’ Similarly, Mexican -American mothers do not see themselves as ‘teachers,’ but Chinese and Japanese mothers coach and give specific instructions regarding school work.”
“Most ethnic minorities in the indus-trialized countries of Europe, North America, and Australia are rather recent immigrants from less developed countries and especially from their rural areas . . . [where] a socially rather than a cognitively oriented conception of competence is valued, stressing conformity – obedience goals, and early learning in the family is based mainly on observation and imitation."
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| “Indeed, research with ethnic minority families points to this type of parental conception and finds a misfit between this cultural conception of competence and that of the school culture in the host society. For example, Nunes (1993) noted that immigrant Mexican parents in the United States believe, erroneously, that if their children are quiet and obedient and listen to the teacher, then they will succeed in school. Okagaki and Sternberg (1993) similarly found that for immi-grant parents from Cambodian, Mexico, the Philippines, and Vietnam, noncognitive characteristics (i.e., motivation, social skills, and practical school skills) were as important as or more important than cognitive characteristics (problem-solving skills, verbal ability, creative ability) to their conceptions of an ‘intel-ligent first-grade child’– but not for Anglo-American parents. Furthermore, parents’ beliefs about the importance of conformity correlated negatively with children’s school performance, and American-born parents favored developing autonomy over conformity.”
48,000
Number of Korean-born adopted children under 18 in the U.S. Korea is the largest single-country source of foreign-born adopted children, accounting for nearly one-fourth (24 percent) of them. Almost half of foreign-born adopted children are originally from Asia. 18.
21,616
Number of immigrant visas for orphans coming to the United States to be adopted in 2003. That is an increase of over 7,300 from a decade earlier. Common countries of origin for the children: China and Russia. 19.
29 percent
of Australian children do not live in the same family arrangement their entire childhood. Of these, about half live in two family arrangements, while the remaining live in three or more.
More than double –
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| Australian children who live in single-parent, step or blended families have double the rate of depression, conduct disorder, or attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder than do children in intact families.
71 percent
of Australian children live in the same family arrangement their entire childhood.
One-third
of the world's children age five and under live in just two countries: India and China.
About 60 percent
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| of the world's growth of in the number of children under the age of 15 during the 1990s came from just the following five countries: India, Nigeria, Pakistan, Ethopia, Congo (Kinshasa).
1.35
Average number of children for a Japanese woman in 2000.
One or two –
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| Average number of children in an affluent Sri Lankan family.
Four to eight –
Average number of children in a poor Sri Lankan family.
60 percent
of all Australian families in 2003 were families with children.
2.5 million
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| Number of Australian families with at least one child age 0-17 years in 2003. The majority, 1.8 million (71 percent), were intact couple families.
22 percent
of all Australian families with children aged 0-17, the proportion that are one-parent families.
1.1 million
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| Australian children under the age of 18 – 23 percent – had a biological parent who does not live with them. 76 percent of these children live in one parent families, 13 percent in step families and 9 percent in blended families. For 84 percent, it's the father who is the parent not living with the child.
CHILDREN IN THE HOUSEHOLD / FAMILY STRUCTURE
31 percent
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| of Australian grooms who were remarrying, and already had children from a previous marriage. For brides the proportion remarrying with children was similar at 33 percent. Twenty years ago the comparative proportions were lower, 17 percent each for both grooms and brides.
22,500
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| Number of Australian grandparent families with children aged 0-17, around one percent (1 percent) of all families with children aged 0-17 years.
71 percent
of the 31,100 Australian children living with their grandparents, the percent who are not living with their natural parents.
CHILD POVERTY
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| India and Senegal have similar levels of per capita income, but Indian children are more at risk of malnutrition – while Senegalese children are more at risk of losing out on schooling.
15.2 percent
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| of Taiwanese children living with a single mother lived in poverty in 1995.
5.1 percent
of Taiwanese children living with two parents lived in poverty in 1995.
CHILD DEMOGRAPHICS
Chart of Top 10 Countries By Under 5
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| "Pakistan and Indonesia had larger proportions of their population under age 15 than the United States in 2000. However, the United States’ overall larger size offset the younger age distributions of Pakistan and Indonesia so that each country accounted for a roughly similar share of the world’s under-15 population."
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VIOLENCE COMMITTED AGAINST CHILDREN
More than half
of Chinese parents surveyed responded that they are likely to beat their children for failing an examination or for not working hard enough at school. 39.
68 percent
of Chinese parents surveyed responded that use force to make their children obey them. 40.
44 percent
of substantiated child abuse cases in Australia occur in single-parent homes – a disproportionate rate, since just 18 percent of children live in single-parent families. 41.
CHILD POVERTY
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